Daily Reading Comprehensions For CAT 26 September 2026

How do you go about capturing a monster? The search for Bigfoot, or Sasquatch – often referred to as Bigfooting – may sound like a whimsical endeavour: an activity of tall tales and cartoonish representations. Yet if you spend time listening to what Bigfooters themselves have to say, you discover a different picture.

We did exactly that. To research our book, Bigfooters and Scientific Inquiry: On the Borderlands of Legitimate Science (2026), we conducted more than 160 interviews, mostly with classical Bigfooters, who spend time in the forests of North America, collecting evidence and, as they see it, acting responsibly, rationally and scientifically.

As sociologists of science, we began with a simple premise: whatever one thinks about whether Bigfoot actually exists as a biological creature, Bigfooting undeniably does. If Bigfooting is a community – or set of communities – that are collecting, analysing, sharing, validating and contesting evidence, then Bigfooting is a suitable object of sociological enquiry. And so, we went on our own hunt to track down Bigfooters and make sense of how they themselves make sense of the world.

Before we began our sociological exploration of Bigfooting, we were cautioned that Bigfooters were anti-science. The truth is much more complex. Yes, Bigfooters work in opposition to mainstream institutional science, making claims about the world that do not accord with the scientific consensus. However, our research revealed that Bigfooters are not dismissive of scientific principles. In fact, many are dedicated empiricists who employ methodologies modelled on those found in professional scientific research. As George Eberhart, a cryptozoologist and Bigfooter, explained to us: ‘It’s not a part of mainstream science, it really isn’t. But you can apply a scientific method, or a journalistic method to it, to get some good science out of it.’

Yet Bigfooters are not ‘citizen scientists’ in the way we might be familiar with, due to their counter-establishment orientation and alternative vision of what ‘good’ science means. To a degree, the Bigfooter scientific model echoes that of the natural philosophers of previous centuries, in which individualism was valorised, and where testimony, anecdote and personal experience carried evidential weight.

So, how do contemporary Bigfooters use scientific technologies and techniques in their pursuit of evidence – and, ultimately, proof? And what makes their commitment to empiricism different from mainstream science?

Following our interviews, one particular line stuck with us as an apt description of the empirical Bigfooter’s mindset. It came from Cliff Barackman, the presenter of the US TV series Finding Bigfoot (2011-) and the owner of the North American Bigfoot Center in Boring, Oregon. ‘There is this foolish statement, that is still thrown around, that there is no evidence for Bigfoot,’ Barackman said. ‘There’s plenty of evidence, there’s no proof. There’s a big difference.’

This is what we might call the Bigfooter’s lament, and maybe the most concise summary of the frustration – and perhaps sadness – that Bigfooters experience when it comes to making empirical claims for Bigfoot’s existence.

Q1. In Paragraph 7, Cliff Barackman distinguishes between "evidence" and "proof" ("There's plenty of evidence, there's no proof. There's a big difference"). Based on the context of the passage, which of the following best captures the functional meaning of this distinction within the Bigfooter community? Correct Option B … Explanation: Throughout Paragraphs 4, 5, and 7, the passage shows that Bigfooters actively collect data — footprints, eyewitness accounts, audio, and personal field observations ("evidence"). However, as Barackman points out in the "Bigfooter's lament," this substantial accumulation of empirical data still fails to cross the threshold into institutional, indisputable validation ("proof") required by mainstream biological science. Option A incorrectly reduces evidence to manufactured TV claims and introduces unmentioned mathematical models. Option C brings in legal court definitions that miss the scientific/sociological context of the passage. Option D reverses the roles; Bigfooters operate outside mainstream consensus, not within it. Hence, option B.Q2. According to Paragraph 5, why do the authors assert that Bigfooters resemble historical "natural philosophers" rather than typical modern "citizen scientists"? Correct Option C … Explanation: Paragraph 5 explains that Bigfooters are not standard citizen scientists due to their counter-establishment orientation and alternative vision of what "good" science means. It directly links them to early natural philosophers because their framework valorised individualism, where testimony, anecdote and personal experience carried evidential weight. Option A contradicts the passage, which highlights their counter-establishment orientation outside formal state institutions. Option B is refuted by Paragraph 4, which notes Bigfooters are dedicated empiricists who model their work on scientific methodologies. Option D takes a historical philosophy comparison literally as a statement about wooden equipment. Hence, option C.Q3. Which of the following best articulates the primary sociological premise that guided the authors' decision to study the Bigfooting community (Paragraph 3)? Correct Option B … Explanation: Paragraph 3 clearly outlines the authors' foundational premise: whatever one thinks about whether Bigfoot actually exists as a biological creature, Bigfooting undeniably does — and if Bigfooting is a community collecting, analysing, sharing, validating and contesting evidence, then Bigfooting is a suitable object of sociological enquiry. Option A mistakes sociologists analyzing a social community for cryptozoologists hunting an animal. Option C overstates the authors' analytical neutrality into an attack on mainstream science. Option D contradicts the text, which shows the authors seeking to understand how Bigfooters make sense of the world rather than debunking them. Hence, option B.Q4. Which of the following best describes the core paradox surrounding Bigfooters' relationship with science as explored in Paragraph 4? Correct Option B … Explanation: Paragraph 4 highlights the nuanced truth behind the claim that Bigfooters are "anti-science." The paradox lies in the fact that while they operate in opposition to institutional scientific consensus, they are not dismissive of science itself; rather, they are dedicated empiricists who employ methodologies modelled on those found in professional scientific research. Option A contradicts Paragraph 2, which notes they spend significant time in forests collecting evidence. Option C presents an extreme, distorted claim unsupported by the text. Option D scrambles technological concepts not mentioned in the passage. Hence, option B.