Daily Reading Comprehensions For CAT 26 August 2026

It’s almost never a good sign when Thucydides is in the news. The ancient Greek historian of the Peloponnesian War is typically invoked either to alert us to the possible return of a bygone age of terrifying great-power conflict, or to confirm that strong states can and should advance their own material interests, irrespective of justice.

Earlier this year, the Canadian prime minister Mark Carney earned much acclaim when he quoted, at Davos, the most famous lines in Thucydides’ History of the Peloponnesian War: ‘The strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.’ While Carney intended his reference to be a critique of US behaviour under the Trump administration, Thucydides is also invoked in defence of aggressive or even imperialistic policies, especially in the United States. Yet those who look to Thucydides for either a justification or a critique of empire should be disappointed. Thucydides pulls no punches: he writes to expose the delusions of both the strong and the weak, the unjust and the just. Self-deception is a leitmotif of his History. Because self-deception is perennial, and because it can prove disastrous to victors and vanquished alike, Thucydides’ work remains timely and timeless, as he expected it would.

Thucydides introduces himself, at the outset of his work, as an Athenian who ‘wrote up’ the war between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians because he judged this war to be the greatest war, surpassing all prior wars, including the Trojan War (all references to Thucydides are to the Richard Crawley translation, with our own modifications where appropriate). The duration of the war contributed to its greatness, persisting for 27 years, from 431 to 404 BCE. Thucydides foresaw the enormity of the conflict, which began with its principal combatants – Athens and Sparta – at their peak as the Hellenic world’s greatest naval and land powers, respectively.

Sparta had been, for centuries, the pre-eminent Greek polis. But, following the Greeks’ repulsion of several attempted invasions by the Persian Empire (collectively known as the Persian Wars), Athens had established a powerful maritime confederacy. Over time, Athens transformed this ostensibly defensive alliance into an empire over a sizeable part of the Hellenic world. Eventually, Sparta was induced, by its own Peloponnesian allies, to declare war against Athens, ostensibly for a number of pretexts but, in reality, to check Athenian expansion.

Over its course, the war between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians would sweep up many smaller Greek cities, not to mention the Persian Empire and assorted non-Greeks. Ultimately, Athens would be defeated, and its empire dismantled, events which Thucydides survived long enough to witness but not to recount in his History.

The line Carney invoked is often associated with ‘realism’ in world politics. This is a somewhat woolly term that encompasses both a moral position of scepticism about the possibility of justice in political life and an analytical approach to understanding political events in terms of material power and interest.

Q1. Why does the author argue that political figures looking to Thucydides to either justify or critique empire should be "disappointed" (Paragraph 2)? Correct Option B … Explanation: Paragraph 2 explicitly states that those who look to Thucydides for either a justification or a critique of empire should be disappointed, as Thucydides pulls no punches and writes to expose the delusions of both the strong and the weak, the unjust and the just. The author emphasizes that Thucydides' primary focus is laying bare universal self-deception rather than providing ideological validation for any political faction. Option A refers to an incomplete work (mentioned in Paragraph 5), but that is not the reason cited for why partisans should be disappointed. Option C introduces a generalized claim about modern translation errors unsupported by the passage. Option D contradicts the text, which shows that both Athens (maritime) and Sparta (land) suffered from self-deception and conflict. Hence, option B. Q2. Based on Paragraph 4, which of the following best describes the real catalyst behind Sparta's decision to declare war against Athens in 431 BCE? Correct Option B … Explanation: Paragraph 4 explains that following the Persian Wars, Athens turned its defensive alliance into an empire over the Hellenic world. Consequently, Sparta was induced, by its own Peloponnesian allies, to declare war against Athens, ostensibly for a number of pretexts but, in reality, to check Athenian expansion. Option A fabricates an Athenian surprise naval strike. Option C misinterprets Persia's role; Paragraph 5 notes Persia was swept into the conflict later, not the primary instigator compelling Sparta. Option D scrambles historical chronologies (the Trojan War occurred long before the Peloponnesian War). Hence, option B. Q3. In Paragraph 6, how does the passage define the term "realism" as it relates to the quote "The strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must"? Correct Option B … Explanation: Paragraph 6 directly defines realism as a somewhat woolly term that encompasses both a moral position of scepticism about the possibility of justice in political life and an analytical approach to understanding political events in terms of material power and interest. Option A describes liberal internationalism, the exact opposite of realpolitik realism. Option C reverses the core thesis of the Melian dialogue quote. Option D narrows political realism down to a specific tactical military stance. Hence, option B. Q4. Which of the following best summarizes the overarching trajectory of the passage? Correct Option B … Explanation: The passage opens with modern citations of Thucydides in Paragraphs 1–2, introduces Thucydides' theme of self-deception (Paragraph 2), details the historical background and trigger of the 27-year war between Athens and Sparta (Paragraphs 3–5), and concludes by defining political realism in Paragraph 6. Option B encapsulates this complete structural arc. Option A misidentifies the war being discussed (Peloponnesian War, not Trojan War). Option C overstates a passing translator attribution into a full essay on translation methodology. Option D overgeneralizes a single political reference into a sweeping condemnation of democracy. Hence, option B.