Daily Reading Comprehensions For CAT 16 September 2026

How do you go about capturing a monster? The search for Bigfoot, or Sasquatch – often referred to as Bigfooting – may sound like a whimsical endeavour: an activity of tall tales and cartoonish representations. Yet if you spend time listening to what Bigfooters themselves have to say, you discover a different picture.

We did exactly that. To research our book, Bigfooters and Scientific Inquiry: On the Borderlands of Legitimate Science (2026), we conducted more than 160 interviews, mostly with classical Bigfooters, who spend time in the forests of North America, collecting evidence and, as they see it, acting responsibly, rationally and scientifically.

As sociologists of science, we began with a simple premise: whatever one thinks about whether Bigfoot actually exists as a biological creature, Bigfooting undeniably does. If Bigfooting is a community – or set of communities – that are collecting, analysing, sharing, validating and contesting evidence, then Bigfooting is a suitable object of sociological enquiry. And so, we went on our own hunt to track down Bigfooters and make sense of how they themselves make sense of the world.

Before we began our sociological exploration of Bigfooting, we were cautioned that Bigfooters were anti-science. The truth is much more complex. Yes, Bigfooters work in opposition to mainstream institutional science, making claims about the world that do not accord with the scientific consensus. However, our research revealed that Bigfooters are not dismissive of scientific principles. In fact, many are dedicated empiricists who employ methodologies modelled on those found in professional scientific research. As George Eberhart, a cryptozoologist and Bigfooter, explained to us: ‘It’s not a part of mainstream science, it really isn’t. But you can apply a scientific method, or a journalistic method to it, to get some good science out of it.’

Yet Bigfooters are not ‘citizen scientists’ in the way we might be familiar with, due to their counter-establishment orientation and alternative vision of what ‘good’ science means. To a degree, the Bigfooter scientific model echoes that of the natural philosophers of previous centuries, in which individualism was valorised, and where testimony, anecdote and personal experience carried evidential weight.

So, how do contemporary Bigfooters use scientific technologies and techniques in their pursuit of evidence – and, ultimately, proof? And what makes their commitment to empiricism different from mainstream science?

Following our interviews, one particular line stuck with us as an apt description of the empirical Bigfooter’s mindset. It came from Cliff Barackman, the presenter of the US TV series Finding Bigfoot (2011-) and the owner of the North American Bigfoot Center in Boring, Oregon. ‘There is this foolish statement, that is still thrown around, that there is no evidence for Bigfoot,’ Barackman said. ‘There’s plenty of evidence, there’s no proof. There’s a big difference.’

This is what we might call the Bigfooter’s lament, and maybe the most concise summary of the frustration – and perhaps sadness – that Bigfooters experience when it comes to making empirical claims for Bigfoot’s existence.

Q1. In Paragraph 7, Cliff Barackman states: "There is this foolish statement... that there is no evidence for Bigfoot. There's plenty of evidence, there's no proof. There's a big difference." Based on the context of the passage, how do Bigfooters distinguish between "evidence" and "proof"? Correct Option B … Explanation: Paragraph 4 highlights that Bigfooters collect physical data, testimony, and track evidence using empirical methodologies. However, Paragraph 7 notes that while abundant empirical data has been gathered, it fails to meet mainstream science's standard for absolute verification, leading to the "Bigfooter's lament." Option A incorrectly invents mathematical models and spiritual revelations unsupported by the text. Option C brings in legal court distinctions irrelevant to the scientific/cryptozoological context. Option D reverses the roles; Bigfooters collect the "evidence," while mainstream science demands "proof." Hence, option B. Q2. In Paragraph 5, the authors state that the Bigfooter model echoes that of 18th/19th-century "natural philosophers." Which of the following best explains why Bigfooters resemble historical natural philosophers rather than modern "citizen scientists"? Correct Option C … Explanation: Paragraph 5 explicitly contrasts Bigfooters with mainstream "citizen scientists" due to their counter-establishment orientation. It notes they resemble historical natural philosophers because their approach valorizes individualism, where testimony, anecdote and personal experience carried evidential weight. Option A contradicts the passage, which emphasizes their anti-establishment orientation. Option B is directly refuted by Paragraph 4, which notes Bigfooters are dedicated empiricists who use scientific methodologies. Option D takes a historical analogy literally as an assertion about physical wooden equipment. Hence, option C. Q3. Why did the authors choose to conduct a sociological study of Bigfooters despite mainstream scientific skepticism regarding Bigfoot's existence (Paragraph 3)? Correct Option C … Explanation: Paragraph 3 states the authors' core premise clearly: whatever one thinks about whether Bigfoot actually exists as a biological creature, Bigfooting undeniably does — and if Bigfooting is a community collecting, analysing, sharing, validating and contesting evidence, then Bigfooting is a suitable object of sociological enquiry. Option A misrepresents sociologists of science as cryptozoological hunters seeking a live animal. Option B overstates the authors' analytical stance into an aggressive attack on mainstream science. Option D fabricates an unmentioned commercial tourism assignment. Hence, option C. Q4. Which of the following best describes the central paradox surrounding Bigfooters' relationship with science as presented in Paragraph 4? Correct Option B … Explanation: Paragraph 4 explores the complex truth behind the claim that Bigfooters are "anti-science." The paradox is that while they work in direct opposition to mainstream institutional consensus, they are not dismissive of science — they are dedicated empiricists who employ methodologies modelled on those found in professional scientific research. Option A contradicts Paragraph 2, which notes they spend extensive time in North American forests. Option C misstates their institutional standing; they operate outside academic university presses. Option D introduces unmentioned references to medieval alchemy. Hence, option B.