Daily Reading Comprehensions For CAT 16 October 2026

In my clinical and research work, I have heard versions of the same story many times. A Black man comes into the therapy room saying he is sleeping poorly. He feels irritable. He has started withdrawing from people he cares about because he does not want to keep explaining why ordinary situations leave him so tense.

At first, it sounds a lot like everyday stress. But then he goes on to describe a supervisor who repeatedly questions his competence, coworkers who describe his tone as aggressive when he speaks directly, or a store employee who follows him aisle by aisle. He may mention being stopped by police years earlier, watching another Black man’s death replayed online, or worrying that his son will one day have to learn the same rules of self-protection.

Many clinicians might still hear general anxiety, anger, depression, guardedness or poor engagement. Those words may describe part of what is visible. But I believe that this misses the serious chronic injury underneath. What looks like emotional shutdown is often a survival strategy. What looks like anger is often the surface of grief, shame or exhaustion. And what looks like mistrust may be an accurate memory of institutions that have not been safe. In other words, the man’s feelings and behaviours (and those of many other Black men like him) are an understandable response to racial trauma.

Society has become increasingly comfortable talking about trauma. The term now appears everywhere, applied to experiences ranging from acute violence to everyday stress. This expanded attention has brought greater awareness to suffering that was once ignored, which is welcome. But I’m conscious that it has also led to concerns: if everything is trauma, does the concept lose its meaning?

I understand these reservations. Not every painful or unjust experience is traumatic. But I’m not arguing that all experiences of racism qualify as trauma. Mine is a narrower claim: that sustained exposure to racialised threat, dehumanisation and constraint across multiple domains of life can produce a form of chronic psychological injury that remains widely misrecognised, particularly in Black men.

Any discussion of racial trauma must acknowledge that Black women also experience profound and persistent racial harm. My focus on Black men is not an attempt to rank suffering. Instead, my aim is to draw attention to the specific pattern of exposure and misrecognition that affects Black men. Harmful stereotypes about Blackness are not gender-neutral. They are often organised through Black maleness, especially through associations with threat, danger, criminality and aggression. This means that Black male distress can be misread not only because it is racialised, but because it is interpreted through stereotypes that already cast Black men as dangerous or difficult to manage.

In a 2020 Gallup survey, Black men in the US were more than twice as likely as Black women to say that people acted afraid of them (27 per cent, compared with 11 per cent) and were also more likely to report being treated with less courtesy and viewed as dishonest.

Q1. Based on Paragraphs 3 and 5, why does the author contend that traditional clinical labels like "general anxiety" or "guardedness" represent a failure of psychological diagnosis when applied to Black men experiencing racialized threat? Correct Option B … Explanation: In Paragraph 3, the author explicitly argues that mislabeling a patient's behavior as general anxiety or anger misses the serious chronic injury underneath. What clinicians view as shutdown or mistrust is actually an understandable response to racial trauma and a survival strategy based on an accurate memory of institutions that have not been safe. Using generic clinical labels treats an adaptive, contextualized response to systemic harm as an isolated internal disorder. Option A incorrectly asserts a genetic predisposition, which directly contradicts the author's argument that these behaviors are responses to external environmental and institutional threats. Option C claims therapy models were made exclusively for Black women, an unmentioned assertion that misinterprets Paragraph 6. Option D directly contradicts Paragraph 5, where the author states that sustained exposure across life domains (not just acute physical violence) can produce chronic psychological injury. Hence, option B.Q2. In Paragraphs 4 and 5, the author addresses concerns regarding the conceptual inflation of the term "trauma." How does the author structurally defend their thesis against the objection that "if everything is trauma, does the concept lose its meaning?" Correct Option D … Explanation: In Paragraph 5, the author proactively concedes to critics that not every painful or unjust experience is traumatic. The author then defines a precise, narrow scope: a narrower claim that sustained exposure to racialised threat, dehumanisation and constraint across multiple domains of life can produce a form of chronic psychological injury. This boundary defense preserves the term's diagnostic rigor while validating chronic racial injury. Option A represents the exact position the author explicitly rejects. Option B contradicts Paragraph 6, where the author explicitly states their focus is not an attempt to rank suffering. Option C misplaces the origin of the term "trauma" onto the 2020 Gallup survey cited in Paragraph 7. Hence, option D.Q3. According to Paragraphs 6 and 7, how do gendered societal stereotypes specifically exacerbate the misrecognition of Black men's psychological distress? Correct Option A … Explanation: Paragraph 6 explains that harmful stereotypes are organized through Black maleness, specifically through associations with threat, danger, criminality and aggression. Consequently, a Black man's distress is misread because it is interpreted through pre-existing lenses that cast him as dangerous or difficult to manage. Paragraph 7 supports this with survey data showing Black men are more than twice as likely as Black women to report that people act afraid of them. Option B reverses the author's observations regarding guardedness and emotional shutdown. Option C asserts that stereotypes depict Black men as passive and timid, which is the exact opposite of criminality and aggression. Option D claims Black women are completely immune to stereotypes, contradicting Paragraph 6's statement that Black women also experience profound and persistent racial harm. Hence, option A.Q4. What is the primary function of citing the 2020 Gallup survey data in the concluding paragraph (Paragraph 7)? Correct Option C … Explanation: Throughout the passage, the author argues that Black men's tension and guardedness are rational responses to being treated as threats. Citing the Gallup data (27% of Black men vs. 11% of Black women reporting people act afraid of them) provides empirical proof of the distinct, hostile social reality Black men navigate daily, justifying why their distress and mistrust are grounded in objective environmental conditions. Option A creates an irrelevant hierarchy between polling and psychotherapy. Option B fabricates a comparison between retail and workplace environments that is not made in the text. Option D directly contradicts the Gallup survey's findings, which document active racial prejudice and fear. Hence, option C.