Daily Reading Comprehensions For CAT 11 August 2026

How do you go about capturing a monster? The search for Bigfoot, or Sasquatch – often referred to as Bigfooting – may sound like a whimsical endeavour: an activity of tall tales and cartoonish representations. Yet if you spend time listening to what Bigfooters themselves have to say, you discover a different picture.

We did exactly that. To research our book, Bigfooters and Scientific Inquiry: On the Borderlands of Legitimate Science (2026), we conducted more than 160 interviews, mostly with classical Bigfooters, who spend time in the forests of North America, collecting evidence and, as they see it, acting responsibly, rationally and scientifically.

As sociologists of science, we began with a simple premise: whatever one thinks about whether Bigfoot actually exists as a biological creature, Bigfooting undeniably does. If Bigfooting is a community – or set of communities – that are collecting, analysing, sharing, validating and contesting evidence, then Bigfooting is a suitable object of sociological enquiry. And so, we went on our own hunt to track down Bigfooters and make sense of how they themselves make sense of the world.

Before we began our sociological exploration of Bigfooting, we were cautioned that Bigfooters were anti-science. The truth is much more complex. Yes, Bigfooters work in opposition to mainstream institutional science, making claims about the world that do not accord with the scientific consensus. However, our research revealed that Bigfooters are not dismissive of scientific principles. In fact, many are dedicated empiricists who employ methodologies modelled on those found in professional scientific research. As George Eberhart, a cryptozoologist and Bigfooter, explained to us: ‘It’s not a part of mainstream science, it really isn’t. But you can apply a scientific method, or a journalistic method to it, to get some good science out of it.’

Yet Bigfooters are not ‘citizen scientists’ in the way we might be familiar with, due to their counter-establishment orientation and alternative vision of what ‘good’ science means. To a degree, the Bigfooter scientific model echoes that of the natural philosophers of previous centuries, in which individualism was valorised, and where testimony, anecdote and personal experience carried evidential weight.

So, how do contemporary Bigfooters use scientific technologies and techniques in their pursuit of evidence – and, ultimately, proof? And what makes their commitment to empiricism different from mainstream science?

Following our interviews, one particular line stuck with us as an apt description of the empirical Bigfooter’s mindset. It came from Cliff Barackman, the presenter of the US TV series Finding Bigfoot (2011-) and the owner of the North American Bigfoot Center in Boring, Oregon. ‘There is this foolish statement, that is still thrown around, that there is no evidence for Bigfoot,’ Barackman said. ‘There’s plenty of evidence, there’s no proof. There’s a big difference.’

This is what we might call the Bigfooter’s lament, and maybe the most concise summary of the frustration – and perhaps sadness – that Bigfooters experience when it comes to making empirical claims for Bigfoot’s existence.

Q1. Based on Paragraph 3, which of the following best captures the fundamental sociological premise that justified the authors' academic investigation into Bigfooters? Correct Option 3 … Explanation: The authors state: "whatever one thinks about whether Bigfoot actually exists as a biological creature, Bigfooting undeniably does. If Bigfooting is a community collecting, analysing, sharing... then Bigfooting is a suitable object of sociological enquiry." Sociology studies the social phenomenon and community practices independent of whether Bigfoot exists biologically. Option 1 is the exact opposite of the authors' premise. Option 2 introduces a narrow claim about academic degrees unsupported by the text. Option 4 contradicts paragraph 4 — Bigfooters make claims that "do not accord with the scientific consensus." Option 5 distorts the research methodology entirely. Hence, option 3. Q2. In Paragraph 5, the authors compare the Bigfooter scientific model to that of historical "natural philosophers." Which of the following, if true, identifies a major logical vulnerability in relying on this historical model to validate modern empirical claims? Correct Option 1 … Explanation: Paragraph 5 notes that Bigfooters echo historical natural philosophers by valuing "individualism" and giving evidential weight to "testimony, anecdote and personal experience." The flaw in relying on this older model is that modern institutional science developed specific safeguards — peer review, double-blind controls, systemic replication — precisely because anecdotal testimony and personal experience are highly vulnerable to subjective bias and confirmation bias. Options 2, 4, and 5 introduce historically false or fabricated claims. Option 3 contradicts paragraph 6, which notes Bigfooters do use scientific technologies. Hence, option 1. Q3. Based on Paragraphs 7 and 8, what primary conceptual boundary does Cliff Barackman draw between "evidence" and "proof" in the context of Bigfooting? Correct Option 2 … Explanation: Barackman states: "'There's plenty of evidence, there's no proof. There's a big difference.'" In empirical discourse, "evidence" consists of individual data points, tracks, sightings, or recordings, while "proof" is the conclusive, undeniable body of evidence that forces mainstream institutional acceptance. Option 1 reverses the concepts. Option 3 introduces irrelevant legal distinctions. Option 4 reverses the definitions — a living specimen would constitute ultimate proof, not mere evidence. Option 5 contradicts Barackman's explicit insistence that there is a "big difference" between the two terms. Hence, option 2. Q4. Which of the following best describes the shift in perspective the authors underwent regarding Bigfooters' relationship with science (Paragraph 4)? Correct Option 2 … Explanation: Paragraph 4 documents the shift directly — "Before we began, we were cautioned that Bigfooters were anti-science. The truth is much more complex... Bigfooters are not dismissive of scientific principles. In fact, many are dedicated empiricists who employ methodologies modelled on those found in professional scientific research." Option 1 reverses the initial expectation and final observation. Option 3 shifts focus to Bigfoot's biological existence, which the authors explicitly set aside. Options 4 and 5 introduce unmentioned categories and distort the narrative arc. Hence, option 2.