Daily Reading Comprehensions For CAT 25 June 2026

Nearly 9 in 10 Indians now report that they have personally experienced the effects of global warming. As climate impacts become harder to ignore, younger generations are increasingly looking to businesses and institutions to take responsibility for environmental challenges.

Innovators are responding. India now has more than 6,400 environment-tech companies, and climate-tech investment reached a record USD 9.41 billion in 2024. From cooling and water management to agriculture, biomaterials, mobility, and energy access, entrepreneurs are building solutions for some of the country’s most pressing climate challenges. The gap is what happens next. For climate solutions to reach the people experiencing the crisis, they need to travel from a startup pitch deck to an institutional procurement order, to a state irrigation department, a district administration, a large corporate buyer, a foundation programme, and to the public at large. That journey is where Indian climate solutions are stuck. The technology exists, but are institutions ready for it?

One part of the problem is structural. Public procurement is one of the most important pathways for climate solutions to scale. This is the machinery that builds roads, equips hospitals, sources materials for public housing, and funds district-level programmes. In India, public procurement accounts for at least 20 percent of GDP.

But India has no green public procurement law. A December 2024 report by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) found the barriers are exactly what one would expect: incomplete policy frameworks, perception of higher costs, limited market availability of sustainable alternatives, and, listed first among them, low awareness and skills among the officials doing the buying. The General Financial Rules of 2017 technically allow purchasing authorities to include environmental criteria. However, procurement officers lack training, standardised criteria, and a clear way to evaluate whether a climate solution is credible, cost-effective, or even eligible under existing schemes. A national policy push has come close to remedying this and stalled. A draft green public procurement policy would have mandated 25 to 37 percent low-carbon steel content in public projects, but the proposal for a centralised procurement agency to implement it was rejected by the Ministry of Finance in 2024. Until institutional infrastructure of this kind exists, every climate company entering the public procurement market has to explain its offering from scratch to every buyer.

Procurement is only one half of the challenge. Even when pathways for adoption exist, climate companies still need to navigate institutions that are unfamiliar with their technologies. We see this up close in our work with climate and deep-tech companies. The founders can explain their technology to an investor or a research audience fluently. But the moment they are in front of a district programme manager, a procurement committee, or a funder evaluating potential for expansion, the conversation breaks down. This often results from differences in the language, framing, and institutional grammar that both parties understand. The company speaks in terms of technology readiness levels, but the buyer needs to hear about scheme eligibility, implementation economics, and what a rollout actually looks like.

Q. The IISD report is cited primarily to: Correct Option 2 … Explanation: The passage states that the IISD report found barriers including incomplete policy frameworks, low awareness and skills among officials, and a perception of higher costs. These are classic examples of institutional and administrative hurdles that hinder adoption of green procurement practices. Options 1, 3, and 4 either misrepresent the report's findings or introduce ideas not mentioned in the passage. Hence, option 2.Q. The author's discussion of procurement officers lacking training and standardized criteria supports which broader claim? Correct Option 2 … Explanation: This points directly to the core thesis of the passage — the technology exists, but institutional readiness determines whether it gets adopted. Even though climate-tech is ready, the lack of trained officers and standardized criteria stops the technology from being implemented. Options 1, 3, and 4 either contradict the passage or introduce ideas not supported by this specific discussion. Hence, option 2.Q. Consider the following statements regarding the passage: I. The rejection of a centralized procurement agency is presented as a setback to efforts aimed at institutionalizing green procurement. II. The passage implies that institutional buyers and climate companies often operate with different evaluative frameworks and vocabularies. III. The author argues that technological innovation alone is sufficient to ensure widespread adoption of climate solutions. Correct Option 3 … Explanation: Statement I is true — the passage describes the draft policy as something that came close to remedying the problem but stalled because the Ministry of Finance rejected the centralized agency, framing this as a distinct setback. Statement II is true — the passage explicitly details how conversations break down because companies speak in terms of technology readiness levels while buyers evaluate based on scheme eligibility and implementation economics. Statement III is false — the entire passage argues against this idea, stating that while technology exists, institutional readiness and communication are also required for adoption. Hence, option 3.Q. All of the following can reasonably be inferred from the passage EXCEPT: Correct Option 4 … Explanation: The passage states the exact opposite — when evaluating a solution, institutional buyers care deeply about implementation concerns such as scheme eligibility, implementation economics, and what a rollout actually looks like, rather than technological sophistication. Options 1, 2, and 3 are all central themes that can be directly inferred from the text. Hence, option 4.